Courtesy Jonathan T. Reynolds

Southeastern Regional Seminar in African Studies (SERSAS)

Spring 2002 SERSAS Conference
22 - 23 March 2002
Georgia State University

The Horn of Africa and the American Left

Christine Lutz
Department of History
Georgia State University
Atlanta, Georgia

Copyright 2001 by SERSAS and Christine Lutz
All Rights Reserved

The response to developments in the Horn of Africa by the American political left has been consistent since the nineteenth century, even as nations in the Horn became colonies, independent, or socialist. With a few exceptions, the U.S. left has shown discomfort or ignorance about the Horn: experiences in Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan cannot readily be slipped into the slots of U.S. political history. So, northeast African liberation movements often have been without champions in the United States -- or with defenders who miss the shades of circumstances on the Horn, instead seeing only their own symbols and myths.

The left's mythology of the Horn of Africa began in the United States with Ethiopianism, a romantic (and imperialist) response of people of African origin to the Diaspora. Its proponents asserted that Africa, referred to as Ethiopia, would undergo a renaissance led by people of the Diaspora. To many of these, the Biblical verse, "Ethiopia shall lift up her arms to God," meant that black Christians should bring "righteousness and Christian rule" to Africa. They asserted that "Africa's natives can best be reached by the American Negro. First, because he is identified with him," that is, they share racial oppression. "The Negro, in the second place, is in sympathy with his race." Politico-religious proponents of Ethiopianism suggested that Africa would experience revolutions and drive white oppressors away from the continent, but that Africans could not undertake this task without the help of Americans. Many Ethiopianists ignored Abyssinia itself. In 1902, L.G. Jordan, speaking before the Negro Young People's Christian and Education Congress, dismissed the people of northern Africa (including the Christians on the Horn) as "Mohammedans, pagans or savages."[1]

Early nineteenth century Abolitionists such as Peter Randolph, Robert Alexander Young, Martin Delany, Frances Harper, and David Walker summoned up the ancient civilization of "Ethiopia" - referring sometimes to the continent and sometimes, to Abyssinia - as they proposed the equality of blacks to whites.[2] Staunch republicans all, they believes that for one to be a U.S. citizens, rather than a slave, one must be qualified; Americans of African descent were well-qualified, they suggested, thanks to their "Ethiopian" heritage and Abyssinia's long history as an empire. This group of radicals also believed that however qualified the children of Ethiopia were, contemporary Africans were backward and Americans were a vanguard force against slavery. Young wrote in The Ethiopian Manifesto in 1829: "Ethiopians! ... We hold and contend you enjoy but few of your rights ... we admit not even those in their state of native simplicity to be in an enjoyment of their rights ... As came John the Baptist of old, to spread abroad the forthcoming of his master, so alike are intended these our words, to denote to the ... Ethiopian people that God has prepared for them a leader, who awaits but his season."[3] Martin Delany in mid-nineteenth century wrote bluntly, "The land is ours -- there it lies with inexhaustible resources; let us go and possess" the coast of East Africa.[4]

From the earliest days of the United States left, Ethiopianism was incorporated into the message of those re-interpreting republicanism for the slaves. Their Ethiopianism assumed that African-Americans held a vanguard position in an upcoming Armageddon. They believed in duty and placed individual desires behind corporate needs, determined by common ancestry.[5] According to them, people of European and African descents had competing interests and fundamentally different characters. Finally, these proto- leftists mythologized Ethiopia, but did not make much of a material connection to the people of the Horn.

Marxists, Chartists, liberal metaphysicians, and democratic republicans found their way to the Abolitionist movement, also. Wilson Moses points out, for instance, that activists such as Frederick Douglass were deeply influenced by Transcendentalism, "which tended to emphasize the universal brotherhood of man and the commonness of the human experience."[6] This wing of Abolitionists tended to dismiss Ethiopianism, especially when its advocates called for emigration to Africa, and also, to ignore the actual Horn of Africa. These Abolitionists passed their torch to a genuinely "left" movement - a large and lively one - in the United States.

At the turn of the century, anarchists, labor activists from the American Federation of Labor to the Industrial Workers of the World, the Social Democratic Party, the Socialist Labor Party, and the Socialist Party of America were flourishing. Young black intellectuals such as W.E.B. DuBois welcomed the integrationist message of this generation of American leftists. African-American writers and editors such as Jesse Max Barber urged some support for leftism. White socialists such as Caroline Pemberton wrote sympathetically about the humiliations of segregation and the pride that African Americans could take in being of "Ethiopian" descent. On the other hand, some socialist leaders were racist, nativist, and believers in the superiority of "white civilization." Other socialists insisted that only a successful working class revolution would conquer racial prejudice, and that class similarities between blacks and whites obviated the need for any special attention to be paid to racial segregation or Africa. None of these left tendencies exhibited any particular interest in the Horn of Africa.[7]

Ethiopianism persisted in America's black intellectual circles and liberty movements into the twentieth century. The use of a fictive Ethiopia as a symbol of black equality or superiority to whites turned up in magazines and sermons. Back-to-Africa movements that summoned the image of Ethiopia resurfaced repeatedly.[8] Marcus Garvey, founder of the immensely popular Universal Negro Improvement Association, often cobbled together Ethiopianism and anti-colonialism, under the guidance of a Sudanese Egyptian, Duse Mohammed.[9] Garvey did refer to the Horn of Africa specifically. Garveyites believed that Abyssinia itself was their homeland; they opposed Italian colonialism on the Horn. They also incorporated romantic Ethiopianism into their movement's anthem.[10] Radicals such as Ida Wells Barnett and A. Phillip Randolph supported Garvey at first. But Randolph himself, the leading black socialist of his era, exposed Marcus Garvey's lack of principle towards Africa. Randolph pointed out that Garvey's redemption of Africa would entail African Americans conquering Abyssinia with "despotic rule." Because of Randolph's critique and Garvey's ambiguous stand on American racial segregation, African-American leftists quickly backed away from Garvey and his causes, including anti-imperialism regarding the Horn.[11]

Meanwhile, Benito Sylvain, aide-de-camp to Menelik II, called for an co-chaired the London Pan-African Congress of 1900. W.E.B. DuBois and a fellow African-American, Anna Cooper, represented the black American left at this conference. DuBois drafted the Congress's summary statement, "Address to the Nations of the World," which stated: "Let the nations of the World respect the integrity and independence of the free Negro States of Abyssinia, Liberia, Haiti, and the rest." He called upon Abyssinians themselves to "take courage, strive ceaselessly, and fight bravely, that they may prove to the world their incontestable right to be counted among the great brotherhood of mankind."[12]

DuBois was influential among African-American intellectuals and American radicals. As a young man at the turn of the century, he grappled publicly with his own intellectual ambivalence about Africa and race. In 1900, he wrote, for instance, "On [African Americans] depends in a large degree the attitude of Europe toward the teeming millions of Asia and Africa."[13] He launched a series of Pan-African Congresses, beginning in 1919, which black and white American socialists and reformers attended. The 1919 Congress may have reflected DuBois's and generally, American discomfort with the complexities of the post-World War I situation in the Horn, for Ethiopia and its neighbors were barely mentioned at that conference.[14]

The 1920s brought unprecedented development in communications and sympathies among anti-colonial leaders and anti-imperialists of the Diaspora. Black American leftists such as DuBois helped facilitate mutual support and regard among them, through the Pan-African Congress movement. In March 1921, DuBois, Ida Gibbs Hunt, Addie Hunton and John Hope of the United States were among the twelve-person International Committee to sign a call for another Pan-African Congress, scheduled to convene in August. Other signatories were from Guadeloupe, Senegal, England, and France.[15] The 1921 Pan-African Congress met in London, Brussels and Paris. One hundred and thirteen delegates attended, with thirty-five of them representing the U.S., and the others from Africa, the Caribbean, and Europe. This Congress sent a delegation to the League of Nations, met with labor parties, pulled together the statutes of the Congress into a booklet, and established its "seat of government" in Paris.[16] Delegates insisted, "The absolute equality of races - physical, political and social - is the foundation stone of world peace and human advancement." The delegates asserted their advocacy of "absolute race equality" and of suffrage "based on educational qualifications alone." Delegates asserted "the duty of the world to assist in every way the advancement of backward and suppressed groups of mankind." The manifesto of the Congress concluded, "The world must face two eventualities: either the complete assimilation of Africa with two or three of the great world states, with political, civil and social power and privileges absolutely equal for its black and white citizens, or the rise of a great black African state founded in Peace and Good Will."[17] However, DuBois's ambiguous view of the Horn -- which probably typified the "American" view -- was expressed in the Congress's manifesto also, when he wrote: "The independence of Abyssinia, Liberia, Haiti and San Domingo is absolutely necessary to any sustained belief of the black folk in the sincerity and honesty of the whole. These nations have earned the right to be free, they deserve the recognition of the world; notwithstanding all their faults and mistakes, and the fact that they are behind the most advanced civilizations of the day, nevertheless they compare favorably with the past ... history of most European nations, and it shames civilization that the [Versailles] treaty practically invited Italy to aggression in Abyssinia."[18]

DuBois attended the Pan-African Congress in London, Paris, and Lisbon in 1923. The 1923 Congress put forward eight broad demands of all people of African ancestry: representation in government, equality before the law, education, use of Africa's resources for Africans, prohibition of the slave and the liquor trades, disarmament, armed self-defense, and the "re-organization of capital and labor." With a few exceptions, these remained the fundamental demands of left-wing Pan-Africanism until the Second World War. Delegates to the 1923 Congress specifically called for home rule for Northern Nigeria, Uganda, and Basutoland; eventual suffrage, Parliamentary representation, and land for Francophone Africans and West Indians; land, representation, and abolition of white minority governments in Kenya, Rhodesia, and the Union of South Africa; and complete reform in the Belgian Congo. Other specific demands concerned Haiti, Liberia, the United States, Egypt, and Portuguese Africa. The Congress delegates requested that people of African ancestry in Brazil and Central America heed the message of their movement; and the Congress also requested the League of Nations' Mandates Commission to act on their demands. Finally, the 1923 Congress demanded for Abyssinia "not merely political integrity but ... emancipation from the grip of economic monopoly and usury at the hands of the money masters of the world."[19]

The Circle for Peace and Foreign Relations, an African-American women's group, organized the 1927 Pan-African Congress in New York City. On 21 August 1927, the Congress opened with 208 delegates singing "Lift Ev'ry Voice." Then, Addie Hunton "spoke of the vision of the brotherhood of the darker races which had prompted [the Circle] to sponsor the Congress." Five thousand people attended the public session, and the Congress attracted delegates from the West Indies, Western Europe, Asia, South America, and from Africa, Nana Amoah III of the Gold Coast, Thorgie Sie of Liberia, and representatives of Sierra Leone and Nigeria. By 1927, the large U.S. delegation included historians, politically-moderate reformers, and Africa scholars as well as left-leaning Pan-Africanists and social democrats. After lively debate, Congress delegates agreed upon a manifesto very similar, although shorter, to that of previous Congresses. In the name of people of African ancestry, they reiterated the rights of Africans to land, suffrage, and education, and they added the new demand for "treatment as civilized men despite differences of birth, race or color." The Congress's participants also condemned U.S. control of Haiti and white minority rule in South Africa; demanded genuine independence for Egypt, and stated that imperialism was incompatible with democracy. "We demand the continued independence of Abyssinia," the delegates also said, "coupled with international movements on the part of philanthropies to bring modern education to the people of that land and modern industry planned for the benefit of the Abyssinians and not simply for the European trade." The Congress incorporated and reflected the trans-nationalism and the anger of the African Diaspora during the 1920s. However, this Congress still breathed a trace of the patronage toward Ethiopia and ignorance of the rest of the Horn that had marked the U.S. left for a century.[20]

American leftists did understand that fascism threatened the Horn of Africa. Others prepared for the coming battle, also. In Brussels, the League Against Imperialism convened in 1927. Two American leftists, Richard Moore and William Moore of the American Negro Labor Congress, there joined Ras T.R. Makonnen -- who claimed to be Ethiopian, although he was British Guianian -- and other delegates to protest the Italian "menace" to Ethiopia as well as "the [European] expropriation of the lands and extermination of the people" of Sudan. William Moore's presence in Brussels demonstrates that the American Negro Labor Congress, established two years earlier by the fledgling Communist Party USA, took seriously its goal, "to aid the general liberation of the darker races and the working people throughout all countries."[21]

By December 1934, Italian troops were in Somalia, clashing on the border with Ethiopian forces. Benito Mussolini's fascist government issued a set of insulting demands to Haile Selassie's regime, and pumped more troops into the Horn. Italian soldiers blanketed Eritrea by February 1935 and by the summer, Mussolini's government boasted that it would annex Ethiopia. The Communist Party USA, in response, swung into action in New York and Chicago. The Harlem, N.Y. "section" of the Party wanted to defend Ethiopian independence, build class unity among American workers against fascism, and undermine racial antagonism in the neighborhood, which was mostly black, but partly Italian-American. Party members initiated the Provisional Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia, and drew as many Ethiopian sympathizers as possible into its planning meetings. The Provisional Committee resolved to hold mass protest meetings in Harlem, send a delegation to the Italian consulate, and sponsor a city-wide parade in support of the Ethiopians against Mussolini. Meanwhile, an Italian Workers Club, prompted by the communists, began to picket the Italian consulate and donated money to the Provisional Committee.

The Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem (founded in the early nineteenth century as an Ethiopianist church) hosted three thousand people at a Provisional Committee rally in March 1935. Adam Clayton Powell, the church's minister, and James Ford of the Communist Party spoke. New York leftists who worked behind-the-scenes to make this rally (and other such activities) successful included Abner Berry and Ben Davis, Jr. The communists called upon the rallying crowd to donate money to Ethiopians, to hold interracial demonstrations, and to march in a planned pro-Ethiopia parade. After some debate, those at the rally rejected the idea of boycotting Italian shop keepers in Harlem.

In July, the Provisional Committee signed an agreement with the American League Against War and Fascism to jointly sponsor a pro-Ethiopia parade on August 3. The planners solicited and received endorsements from a diverse group that included Roy Wilkins, Adam Clayton Powell, A. Phillip Randolph and the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, the Urban League, churches and lodges, white-run trade unions, and many others. The parade had a theme of Italian-African-American unity: Italian Americans marched from one rallying point, African Americans from another, and both converged at an outdoor site for a huge rally. Participants were black and white of at least sixteen ethnic groups. The left adjudged the August demonstration to have been a smashing success. Twenty-five thousand people marched, and thousands of others lined the sidewalks to applaud them.[22]

The most impassioned left defense of the Africans in the Horn during the 1930s arose in Chicago. In July 1935, Communist Party members called a planning meeting of Italian and African Americans and leftist allies in Chicago's South Side neighborhood. Over one thousand people attended. They formed a Joint Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia and immediately planned two major activities: demonstrations in front of the Italian consulate, and a series of rallies and meetings that would culminate in a large protest parade on 31 August.

The demonstrations at the Consulate's front door were dramatic. Two young women -- one white, one black -- would handcuff themselves to a street light pole during lunch hour, a busy time in Chicago's downtown. They would be wearing white sweatshirts printed with "Down With Mussolini, Hands Off Ethiopia." By the time police had arrived and filed through the women's cuffs or chains, the women had delivered speeches about Ethiopia to the crowd that had gathered.

The group's executive committee sent delegations to churches and community groups to ask for support of the planned August parade. By mid-August, numerous Chicago organizations, from the Socialist Party chapter to the local wing of the American Federation of Labor, had endorsed the upcoming demonstration. Meanwhile, organizers held small rallies to build excitement and support for the parade. "We had other flash actions in the downtown area," Harry Haywood remembered. Haywood, a Communist Party member, recalled how "a hundred or so of us would blend in with the crowd in the busy Loop area and at a signal from the leader, would draw out hidden placards and leaflets. I could see the looks of amazement and disbelief on the faces of the cops when this happened [for] the police were shocked to see a full-sized sidewalk parade suddenly materialize from nowhere. After a few blocks, the demonstrators would discard their signs and disperse."

The night of 30 August, Communist Party organizers went into a huddle. City authorities still refused to issue a parade permit. Thousands of people were planning to converge the next day upon a pre-arranged rallying point and then, march for Ethiopia. Chicago's police would be waiting for these unwary people. But to cancel the march - even were it possible at that late moment - seemed a retreat before fascism. They could not back away, so they decided to stage diversionary and heartening "theater" at the rallying point. That night, the Party members sneaked into buildings near the assembly point, for they would never be allowed nearby once the police arrived in the morning.

Police believed they could stymie the parade completely by arresting all of the whites and whichever African Americans they recognized at the demonstration assembly area. The police "red squad" did not believe that Chicagoans of the South Side, a black neighborhood, would riot about the arrest of whites and a few black communists. They were wrong. When the arrests began, Haywood recalled, "Pandemonium broke loose." Into the middle of the chaos ran the communist cadre with their "theater" actions. They spoke from rooftops, one speaker replacing another as they were arrested. They set effigies of Mussolini afire. They urged people to block traffic and did so themselves. "Every time we would outsmart the police, a great roar would go up from the crowd," Haywood wrote. Two thousand police made over five hundred arrests, savagely beating those these arrested. At its height, the crowd at the planned parade's starting point numbered over ten thousand people being simultaneously educated about Ethiopia, fascism, and American policy brutality, perhaps more than would have marched.[23]

Communist cadres led other American leftists, Pan-Africanists, and anti-fascists in "Hands Off Ethiopia" campaigns in cities around the nation. On the waterfronts of the U.S., National Maritime Union members -- again, led by Communist Party members -- refused to sail ships to Italy. Even after the Communist Party USA's leadership re- directed its members' attention to the peace movement and Spain, members such as Ben Davis and Party-led groups like the International Labor Defense continued pro-Ethiopia work in neighborhoods like Harlem. These activities were undertaken well in advance of Comintern directives, and in spite of the reservations and near-silence of the U.S. party's "center." In 1935 and 1936, for example, only one article about Ethiopia appeared in the Party Organizer, the group's principal internal publication. That sole article was essentially a re-statement of a Comintern directive issued in October 1935.[24]

Meanwhile, Maluku Bayen (who claimed to be the nephew of Haile Selassie), came to the United States in 1937 to organize the Ethiopian World Federation, intended to be an alternative to communist-led Ethiopian support. A number of American leftists (including some members of the Party) joined Bayen's effort to raise money for the Ethiopian war effort, including DuBois, Randolph, Mary Church Terrell, Adam Clayton Powell, Max Yergan, Richard Wright, and Richard Moore.[25] At Howard University, William Leo Hansberry and Ralph Bunche established the Ethiopian Research Council in 1934, and in New York City in 1937, Paul Robeson and Yergan launched the Council on African Affairs, child of a merger between the American Committee on the Ethiopian Crisis and the International Committee on African Affairs. Bunche was involved in the Robeson- Yergan effort, and also helped to establish the National Negro Congress.[26]

In 1935, Bunche and John P. Davis of the Negro Industrial League called together a small group of African Americans in order to create a representative assembly for African Americans modeled upon the U.S. House of Representatives, the National Negro Congress.[27] The special envoy of the London Legation of Ethiopia, Lij Tesfaye Zaphiro, spoke to six thousand delegates at the Congress's founding convention in 1936, and delegate Tim Holmes, a Communist Party member, rallied "three cheers" for Ethiopia from the convention floor. A. Phillip Randolph, a socialist who would become the Congress's first president, asserted that "the independence of Ethiopia has been sold down the river by the League of Nations." At the Congress's second convention in 1937, Randolph summarized the Congress's first year's work: "But not only has it fought in the front for the defense of the rights of the Negro People, the Congress has also thrown its might with the progressive forces in the land to aid in the cause of ... the restoration of Haile Selassie to an independent Kingdom of Ethiopia. Yes, it has joined the great demonstration of the nation against war and fascism." Randolph cried, "Forward with the destruction of the imperialist domination and oppression of the great peoples of Africa! Forward to the abolition of the fascist rule of Italy over the noble, independent, and unconquerable men of Ethiopia!"[28]

Between 1934 and 1936, membership in the Communist Party USA grew to forty thousand, and the Young Communist League in the U.S. added about 11,000 people to its ranks. This growth can be attributed partially to the Party's anti-fascist, pro-Ethiopia work. On the other hand, the Party's growth and new visibility in cities drew official eyes. Between 1939 and 1941, civic authorities intensely pursued the Communist Party. Whether the rot began internally or externally, the dynamic left organization that had rallied thousands to the cause of Ethiopia was dead on its feet by World War Two's end, incapable of lobbying in favor of Ethiopia's restoration or for independence for other peoples of the Horn, whom the Party had ignored.[29] Without the Communist Party's strength, and under political pressure, other leftists also set aside the Horn of Africa.

Just a few in the left soldiered on for Africa, including DuBois, Robeson, and Alphaeus Hunton of the Council on African Affairs. DuBois's war and post-war articles in Phylon about the Horn have two noteworthy features. Firstly, DuBois employed the Biblical image of Ethiopia stretching arms to God at least three times, indicating his appreciation of the hold that Biblical image and Ethiopianism still had upon his readers. Secondly, he expressed much concern about England's occupation of Ethiopia and Sudan and effective control of Somalia. He wrote, for instance, that "there is still the assumption that Ethiopia has been re-conquered in order that it may be annexed to the British Empire and ruled through ... white people in Kenya and South Africa."[30] Robeson, Hunton and DuBois worked together in the Council on African Affairs, during and after World War II.

Alphaeus Hunton was the linchpin of the Council on African Affairs. He stayed with the Council for twelve years, editing its periodical New Africa, sending out innumerable press releases, writing pamphlets, serving as an accredited observer at the United Nations, and organizing public events. In 1946, Hunton became the Council's executive director, Robeson remained the organization's chairman, and DuBois served as its vice- chairman. Also associated with the Council by 1948 were well-known leftists such as Herbert Aptheker, Eslanda Robeson, Doxey Wilkerson, and Charlotta Bass. The Council's activities and publications reflect virtually the only left-wing perspective on events in the Horn during the 1940s and 1950s. Examining the Council indicates what the U.S. left's positions, if any, were on events in the Horn.

The Council on African Affairs held a Conference on Africa in 1944 that about 150 people attended. Kwame Nkrumah, Max Yergan, Amy Garvey, Mary McLeod Bethune, Rayford Logan and Lawrence Reddick participated, along with delegates from the Caribbean, India and Burma. This body declared its sympathy with Ethiopia's claims to Eritrea and at least a portion of Somalia. Yergan suggested that an international body resolve the issues of colonialism in Africa.[31]

Two years later, the Council sponsored a rally in Madison Square Garden that drew 15,000 people who agreed upon "full recognition of Ethiopia's territorial and reparation claims."[32] The slogan of a 1947 rally, "African and Colonial Freedom Through a Strong United Nations," indicates that the Council believed solutions to the Horn's conflicts could be found by an international body.[33] In 1949, the Council petitioned the U.S. delegation to the United Nations to recognize the claims of Ethiopia to Eritrea and Ethiopia's desires vis a vis Somaliland.[34]

The Council's position on Ethiopia's post-war claim to Eritrea remained consistent. DuBois averred in a New Africa article that Eritrea was "by no means self-supporting" and was "the best stepping-stone for the conquest of Ethiopia." He concluded, "The claim of Ethiopia to Eritrea is first, historical: it is an integral part of her land and her only effective way of access to the sea. The people all speak Ethiopian languages and are of the same stock as the Ethiopians, although, of course, there are varied stocks in that country." DuBois continued, "But more especially, Eritrea is a land which Ethiopia must control if she is to have reasonable protection from her enemies; it is a country which she should own if she is to have economic expansion and free access to the markets of the world."[35]

The Council on African Affairs became known as the only American organization that would or could rally thousands to support the causes of the African people, especially against apartheid in the south and economic exploitation by British or American businesses. The U.S. government began to pay close attention to the Council. In 1951, Hunton was summoned before the House Un-American Activities Committee and spent several months in federal prison for refusing to "name names." Robeson was similarly pursued, and DuBois, pursued by the U.S. government and too elderly to carry on the Council's work alone. U.S. Attorney General Herbert Brownell charged that the Council's support for the African National Congress made it a "foreign agent" subject to registry. Such sustained "red-baiting" scared away the Council's donors, and it closed its doors in 1955, thereby ending mass education on Africa, including the Horn, among Americans.[36]

Following the collapse of the Council on African Affairs, Alphaeus Hunton wrote Decision in Africa: Sources of Current Conflict in 1957. His assessment of the complex situation in the Horn remained skimpy and problematic, but again, he remained one of the only American leftists - themselves, a dwindling group - to write anything about the Horn or indeed, imperialism in Africa. Hunton did discuss oil company explorations and concessions throughout the Horn. He did not distinguish between the Congress of Berlin partition of 1885 - "hundreds of African rulers were bribed, tricked, or coerced" - and Haile Selassie's granting an exclusive concession to Sinclair Oil Corporation. In Decision in Africa, Hunton also applauded the Somali Youth League for its stand on the oil interests, which he regarded as imperialist.[37] These and a few other comments represent Hunton's "analysis" of the Horn during the 1950s, and as Hunton was one of the only spokespeople for Africa within the American left, his Decision of Africa comments on the Horn very nearly stand alone.

The complexity of the political situation on the Horn of Africa made that region less appealing to leftists as a "cause" than the apparently simple issues of economic exploitation or apartheid. Moreover, as "red-baiters" systematically dismantled the U.S. left during the 1940s and 1950s, African support work had faded to the background of American radicals' concerns. DuBois pointed this out in one of a series of articles for the left-leaning National Guardian newspaper in 1955: "One of the curious results of current fear and hysteria is the breaking of ties between Africa and American Negroes." In the same series, DuBois described Ethiopia as "a rich and plentiful" nation with "no race nor color prejudice" that was moving from feudalism toward socialism under the direction of "shrewd" but "conscientious" Selassie. DuBois was pleased with the political situation in Sudan, for Ismail el Azhari "has taken an independent line" toward England and Egypt. "The new black administration," DuBois explained, "have refused to leave the backward tribes of the southern provinces to the control of British government rule." DuBois was not so enamored of these leaders that he neglected to warn Ashari to anticipate a "fierce fight" or failed to state that Selassie was engaged in "a dangerous game." His picture of both, though, is a positive one overall.[38]

Alphaeus Hunton moved to Guinea in 1960, then to Ghana in 1962 to work with DuBois on the Encyclopedia Africana project. Hunton traveled throughout the continent in an attempt to engage scholars with the planned encyclopedia. He found few Sudanese intellectuals in sympathy with the project, and he was surprised by the wild, lonely Sudanese countryside. Hunton preferred Ethiopia's climate and beauty and he made many contacts there for the Encyclopedia Africana. However, he was upset in Ethiopia by "the ragged poor in their abject misery," his wife recalled, "and the hobbling, dreadfully deformed beggars." Hunton made progress -- by late 1965, Mekki Shibeika of the University of Khartoum was on the standing committee of the Encyclopedia's editorial board. DuBois had died in 1963, though, and early in 1966, Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown in Ghana. Without the stature of DuBois and protection of Nkrumah, the Encyclopedia project languished, and the coup regime deported Hunton from Ghana. Hunton died four years later in Zambia.[39]

Malcolm X -- a proponent of radical change, if not precisely a leftist -- had visited Sudan and Ethiopia in 1964 and raised some tentative questions. Left-leaning scholars had begun to question why Americans and even Pan-Africanists on the continent did not include "the Arab north" in their analyses of "Africa," and men such as Immanuel Wallerstein pursued African studies as left-leaning radicals (perhaps inspiring the 1969 "earthquake" meeting of the African Studies Association and the breakaway to an African Heritage Studies Association).[40] By and large, though, with the departures of DuBois and Hunton for Africa, what little attention the beleaguered U.S. left had spared for the Horn was dispersed.

The "New Left" would form during the late 1960s, with perhaps 150,000 core proponents and thousands more sympathizers.[41] Perhaps because leading figures and founders of this New Left were associated with the African-American civil rights movement, African nations returned to the heart of left-wing analysis of foreign affairs and world politics during the late 1960s and early 1970s. However, the New Left was very different from the self-consciously multi-racial groups -- with a single, highly- centralized Communist Party at their head -- that supported Ethiopia against fascism in the 1930s. The New Left was highly segmented, sectarian, and racially segregated. Despite the establishment of the Organization for African Unity in Ethiopia in 1963, the Horn's strategic importance to the United States, and the beginning of the Eritrean Liberation Front, U.S. leftists spoke about the Horn only rarely and inexpertly. Eldridge Cleaver of the Black Panther Party explained, "Africa ... spoke with so many voices that much confusion resulted in selecting which voice to listen to."[42]

Cleaver continued, "One could refer to Africa and make Africa say anything that one was seeking to prove." The Horn (especially, Ethiopia) was used as a potent symbol of the validity of leftism or revolution when convenient, disregarded when its "voices" murmured a message of Christianity or Arabization or inequity. In 1974, David Horne indicated that "revolutionary Pan-Africanism ... excludes all racial, tribal, ethnic, religious and national factors," and if such was true, Pan-Africanists who stood apart from the American left still could not account for the Horn, wracked by such divisions.[43]

Leftism in the U.S. since 1960 must be reckoned from the births of the Student Non- Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), enormously influential organizations. Members and graduates of both organizations poured much effort into education about western and southern Africa, referred repeatedly to the messages of Frantz Fanon and Amilcar Cabral, and revived the mass anti-apartheid struggle within the U.S. that had lain dormant since the Council on African Affairs' death. As early as 1964, John Lewis and Donald Harris, two SNCC members, visited Ethiopia. The statements, activities and writings of SNCC and SDS members about the Horn therefore would provide realistic representation of how the U.S. left related to Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia, or Ethiopia.[44]

Dona Richards and Bob Moses of SNCC visited Ghana in 1965 and wrote a warning to their American colleagues: "The politics of African Unity is very different, as the African nations range from [those] tied to the United States to [those[ which preach nonalignment, are working towards socialism, and associate the United States with imperialism."[45] Nevertheless, SNCC members (and SDS took its cues on Africa from SNCC) persisted in portraying Africa as racially, ethnically and politically monolithic. They tended to imagine an Africa -- and for that matter, a Horn of Africa -- that was united against Western imperialism, and touchingly, to describe all African people as culturally similar, thanks to years of enslavement by whites.[46] "I think [Americans] are searching for a sense of identity" in Africa, John Lewis explained. James Farmer of the Congress on Racial Equality agreed: "It was part of the new bursting identity, the new drive toward self-esteem and respect, toward, I might call it an ethnic cohesiveness." The Horn -- with its history of internal divisions, enslavement, cultural and ethnic diversity, and often-repressive revolutionary governments -- was confusing to "new" leftists seeking heritage and "heart" in Africa, and so, ignored.[47]

SNCC published a newsletter, the Aframerican News Service, and issued numerous manifestoes, leaflets, and press releases about African revolutionaries, leaders, and reformers. SDS and SNCC had begun to "sit-in" against apartheid in southern Africa by 1966.[48] But as late as 1968, the Aframerican News Service had published information only three times about issues on the Horn. Once, the newsletter reprinted the "Resolution Concerning the Rebellion of Black People in the U.S." passed at the fifteenth annual congress of the Ethiopian Students Association of North America. Another time, a twelve-page bibliography of leftist periodicals from around the world included Challenge, ESANA's journal. And finally, a 1968 issue of the SNCC publication carried this three-sentence news story:

It is being said in some Arab countries that the incursion of Ethiopian troops into Sudanese territory is due to the position taken in the Middle East crisis. Ethiopia's armed forces, it should be recalled, have Israeli advisors, and the U.S. had five bases in that country. As a consequence, armed groups from Eritrea have increased their activities in recent months.[49]

Students for a Democratic Society and other groups of the New Left seem to have been as circumspect about the Horn, although outspoken about events in other parts of Africa. It is noteworthy that in The American Left, 1955-1970: A National Union Catalog of Pamphlets, apparently only two pamphlets are concerned with the Horn of Africa: one by the Ethiopian Students Union in North America, Repression in Ethiopia, and one by Mary Hansen, Eritrea: The Hidden War In Africa. The latter was published by the Radical Education Project, a group closely associated with Jim Mellon of SDS.[50]

Terry Cannon (then, Joe Blum and Arlene Bergman) edited The Movement, an influential New Left newspaper with a press run of 25,000 throughout the late 1960s. Its editorial policy on the Horn is representative of the New Left because of its origin with SNCC supporters on the west coast and its extensive circulation among New Leftists in SNCC, SDS, the Black Panther Party, Rising Up Angry, the Young Lords, and the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. Between 1964 and 1970, The Movement carried only two articles concerning the Horn of Africa. One was about Djibouti and explained 1967 protests there as the fault of the French, who had rigged recent elections in favor of the Afar. The Afar received special privileges, the story said, "by the French governor for serving their French masters so faithfully." The other article made a few points about Ethiopia and Eritrea: that Eritrea historically was a separate nation from Ethiopia, that Haile Selassie was "one of the world's great butchers," and that Ethiopia was able to hold Eritrea only because of U.S. aid to Selassie. The Movement writer justified Eritrean Liberation Front hijackings and bombings of airplanes by explaining that such attacks were "an effort of the ELF to demonstrate their strength, to bring the world's attention to their struggle, and to hurt the profit and prestige of the Addis Ababa regime." The authors added that Selassie's government was under attack by rebellious students within Ethiopia, also.[51]

As the 1960s came to a close, New Leftists resolutely turned their eyes to southern Africa; they all could unite on opposition to apartheid, if nothing else. George Houser of the American Committee on Africa provided a practical reason also for continuing to focus upon southern Africa: "If the ACOA should change its focus and decide to build its program towards the problems of independent African states and American policy, a whole different set of programs and projects would have to be adopted ... . Without adequate funds, this sort of program could be carried on ... . I would think we would have to re-make the ACOA, possibly even change its name. Certainly, there would have to be a different sort of staff ... ." Other New Leftists slipped into Ethiopianism, expressed as a latter-day Pan-Africanism, and still others embraced "new" Marxism and committed themselves to supporting socialist revolutionaries in Guinea Bissau, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and South Africa.[52] By 1974 and the Sixth Pan-African Congress, American delegates were so divided that they could agree on little but opposition to colonialism and apartheid. James Garrett wrote a detailed account of this Congress for Black World, but he mentions Ethiopia only twice, and other Horn countries, not at all.[53]

During the 1970s, the U.S. left similarly neglected or over-simplified the Horn of Africa. For instance, social democrats in the U.S. read Dissent. From 1972 through 1979, Dissent carried one article concerning Africa, in 1979, and its author was not American. This sole article did devote about one-third of its copy space to a discussion of the Horn. Author Serge Thion wrote that "insofar as Ethiopia is achieving the status of a mythical country, the painful complexity of its political problems becomes more and more elusive." Thion was critical of Barre in Somalia for denying the clans and for claming that his government was one of "true socialism." The author also praised the Barre regime for its "modest progress" with the economy and for "emergency aid operation of behalf of nomads threatened by the 1975-76 drought." Thion predicted that "true socialism" would not be successful in Somalia, because the clans held the real allegiances of the Somali. The author asserted that the Somali claim upon the Ogaden was "based ... on an incredible series of historical falsifications," even if the Ogaden Somali were greatly oppressed by the Ethiopian government. The irridentists, armed by the USSR, were "from religious and small business milieus," and therefore did not have "very clear political perspectives." Finally, Thion stated that the Ethiopian government was funded by the U.S. in its fight against the Eritrean People's Revolutionary Party, which was "Stalino-Maoist."[54] Edward Hawley, executive editor of Africa Today, was infuriated by Thion's article. His own explanation for his anger is revealing. Hawley wrote that Thion should have written about Zimbabwe, Chad and Uganda -- presumably, spending less copy space on the Horn -- and moreover, "the article itself implies that the New Africa is characterized by war and revolution." Life many progressives of the 1970s, Hawley apparently found criticisms or reportage of intra-continental tensions (accurate or not) to be disconcerting.[55]

The Socialist Workers Party, an American Trotskyist group founded by James Cannon in the 1920s, was not without influence. In 1974, its journal, International Socialist Review, published Tony Thomas's "Ethiopia: The Empire Trembles." Thomas stated that Ethiopia was a feudal society and thanks to the United States, Eritrea was a "colony of the Ethiopian empire." The Selassie regime had oppressed Eritreans horribly, but would not be able to win the war, because it was feudal and therefore, "backward economically." Ethiopia did have a proletariat engaged in class struggle, so Thomas was optimistic about the nation's future. The author was yet another American happy to advise Africans: Ethiopians should "by-pass capitalism" once their had broken away from feudalism, and instead, set their sights upon "ending the ravages of the economy caused by imperialist domination and by the capitalist exploitation of the ... wage workers."[56]

The Black Scholar was the intellectual entrepot of the African-American left during 1969 and the 1970s. Nathan Hare published Black Scholar, and Robert Allen edited the journal. This journal's coverage of the Horn gives some idea of typical African- American, intellectual leftists' considerations of the region. Harold Rogers wrote in 1972 that Israel was behind the Ethiopian army's anti-Eritrean campaign and Sudan's Anya Nya was "imperialist inspired" and trained by Uganda's Israeli mission. Behind Israel were U.S. dollars. "In this era of dying colonialism," Rogers wrote, "the United States imperialist will use North Africans against sub-Saharan Africans...."[57] Nathan Hare's "Report on the Pan-African Cultural Festival" condemned southern Sudanese attempts to "overthrow [the] progressive regime" of the north.[58] A brief editorial feature in a 1973 Black Scholar attributed the Ethiopian famine to feudalism. In another editorial feature, the only Horn organization mentioned as a "liberation movement" was the Eritrean People's Liberation Front.[59]

Clarence Munford, a Canadian, attempted in 1978 to analyze economics on the Horn, for the Black Scholar. The West, Munford wrote, would have preferred African nations to be "backward," so African countries would not become "capitalist rivals." Ethiopia demonstrated that "backward economies with weak productive forces and low labor productivity are the special prey of natural catastrophes," and the drought in which 200,000 Ethiopians had died could be attributed to feudalism and the West. Munford predicted another drought, to kill thousands in Sudan. To resist "international capital," Ethiopia and Somalia turned, rightfully, to the USSR for aid.[60] Munford's piece represents the usual Black Scholar article's assertions about the Horn and other regions of Africa: feudalism is bad and the fault of the U.S. and Europe; governments of the Horn are legitimate and opposition to them, with the exception of the Eritreans, illegitimate; the USSR is the friend of the peoples of the Horn, and the U.S., their enemy - a simple description which Americans could find sympathetic.

Two substantive Black Scholar articles challenged this formula, and thereby set the Black Scholar apart from the sparse and simplistic New Left analyses of the Horn and Africa, generally in the 1970s. In 1975, Black Scholar printed an article on Pan- Africanism and economy by Shibabaw Yimenu, an Ethiopian studying at the University of Maryland. Yimenu maintained that economic failure and drought in Africa were "by- products of ... the leadership and class structure of the African countries ... the domestic petit bourgeoisie and their imperialist allies."[61]

Then, Araia Tseggai, a member of Eritreans for Liberation in North America, made several points about the Horn in a 1976 Black Scholar essay. She agreed that historical Eritrea was a separate nation from Ethiopia, "a neighboring colonized African territory, having a distinct and separate existence," that the West handed to Ethiopia, a client. But Ethiopia itself wanted to colonize and subjugate Eritreans, Tseggai wrote. Tseggai then turned the tables upon U.S. leftists when she lectured that "the justness of an African struggle for liberation must be judged on the merits of the issues involved, and not on racial prejudice." She justified the Eritrean People's Liberation Front's establishment in 1970, by averring that the Eritrean Liberation Front was not providing "clear ideological leadership," but she acknowledged that this split among Eritreans had weakened their opposition to Ethiopia. Finally, Yseggai asserted that the military coup that ousted Selassie was not genuinely socialist.[62]

Monthly Review - edited by Paul Sweezy, Harry Magdoff and Leo Huberman - was another influential New Left journal of the 1970s, apparently among whites and particularly among scholars and sympathizers with South and Central American liberation movements. During the 1970s, Monthly Review printed one article about the Horn of Africa, but with that article, the journal also enabled an African author to challenge the U.S. left's continuing disregard and mythology of the Horn.

"An Observer," presumably an Ethiopian, wrote about the 1977 civil war in Ethiopia in this article. The 1974 revolution was a reflection of historical and religious tensions in Ethiopia as well as of feudalism, this author wrote. Among the revolution's victors were two groups of youth: those who in Europe had grown close to USSR-associated leftists and those who in the United States had embraced New Left- style Maoism and China. Therefore, the "bitter factional struggle that took decades to crystallize in the Soviet Union and China has emerged in Ethiopia in scant months." The EPRP and the Ethiopian government had agreed, once. But the EPRP was an urban, bourgeois faction that leaned toward "ultra leftism" (that is, Maoism) and moreover, was Amharic and somewhat racist toward the Oromo. The government was supported by the rural poor and was Oromo. So the same tensions that inspired the 1974 revolution had torn it apart by 1977. U.S. aid to Eritreans through Sudan was undermining the course of revolution, also. "In Ethiopia's unfolding tragedy, there are no 'good guys' and no 'bad guys,'" the author concluded. "Each faction has its good and bad."[63]

The U.S. left was slow to adopt a nuanced and thorough analysis of the separate peoples and countries on the Horn of Africa, or even to view the Horn as more than a romantic dream. Consequently, progressive American scholars' analyses of the Horn have been ill-informed or perhaps, sectarian, and American leftists' assistance to needy people and causes in the region has been spotty, if heartfelt. Briefly, the Pan-African Congress movement acknowledged Ethiopia; even more briefly, Communist Party cadre rallied thousands of ordinary Americans to stand by Ethiopia against fascism. The Council on African Affairs championed peoples of the Horn against colonialism, but then, stumbled. The "new" left of the U.S. barely considered the Horn of Africa. By the end of the 1970s, though, influential journals such as Black Scholar and Monthly Review had begun to print essays that hinted that the American left would turn away from myth and coarse analysis toward sufficient consideration of the Horn of Africa on its own, complicated terms.


1 Joseph E. Harris, African-American Reactions to War in Ethiopia, 1936-1941 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994), 1920; Mary Frances Berry and John W. Blassingame, Long Memory: The Black Experience in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 54, 398; Wilson Moses, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925 (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1978), 23, 156-58, 168-69; L.G. Jordan, "The Responsibility of the American Negro for the Evangelization of Africa," H.B. Parks, "A New Era for the American Negro in the Evangelization of Africa," and Joseph Hartzell, "Opportunity - Responsibility," The United Negro: His Problems and His Progress, eds. I. Garland Penn and J.W.E. Bowen (Atlanta: D.E. Luther Publishing Co., 1902; repr. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969), 293, 299, 300, 308-310.

2 James McPherson, The Struggle for Equality: Abolitionists and the Negro in the Civil War and Reconstruction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), 138-41; Moses, Golden Age, 158-59; Berry, Long Memory, 54.

3 Robert Alexander Young, "The Ethiopian Manifesto, Issued in Defence of the Blackman's Rights, in the Scale of Universal Freedom" (1829) A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, vol. 1, ed. Herbert Aptheker (New York: Citadel Press, 1951), 90-93.

4 Martin Delany, "A Project for an Expedition of Adventure to the Eastern Coast of Africa," Black Brotherhood: Afro-Americans and Africa, ed. Okon Edet Uya (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath & Co., 1971), 71-74.

5 Moses, Golden Age, 23-24.

6 Moses, Golden Age, 25-27.

7 Ira Kipnis, The American Socialist Movement, 1897-1912 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952; repr. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972):,277-278, passim; Shirley Graham DuBois, His Day Is Marching On: A Memoir of W.E.B. DuBois (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co., 1971):,325-27; Editorial note, Documentary History, vol. 1, 852; Philip Foner, American Socialism and Black Americans, From the Age of Jackson to World War Two (Westport, Conn.: Holmes & Meier, 1974), 71-72, 117-18; Sally Miller, "Victor Berger," Encyclopedia of the American Left, eds. Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakas (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 84-85.

8 Moses, Golden Age, 219.

9 Richard Moore, "DuBois and Pan-Africa" (1965), Black Brotherhood, 163.

10 Robin Kelley, Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York: Free Press, 1994), 129; William Pickens, "The Emperor of Africa: The Psychology of Garveyism," A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, vol. 3, ed. Herbert Aptheker (New York: Citadel Press, 1973), 382-83; E.U. Essien-Udom, Black Nationalism, A Search for an Identity in America (New York: Dell, 1962), 400.

11 Foner, American Socialism, 325-29.

12 Immanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1974), 182-84, 192, 197; Moore, "DuBois," 156-57; W.E.B. DuBois, "To the Nations of the World" (1900), Black Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century, eds. August Meier et al (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1971), 57-58; George Shepperson, "Notes on Negro American Influences on the Emergence of African Nationalism" (1960), Black Brotherhood, 222. Sylvain probably was Haitian by birth.

13 Shepperson, "Notes," 214; Moore, "DuBois," 160.

14 Shepperson, 222; DuBois, "The Pan-African Congresses: The Story of a Growing Movement," (1927), The Complete Published Works of W.E.B. DuBois: Writings in Periodicals Edited by W.E.B. DuBois, II, ed. Herbert Aptheker (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson Organization Ltd., 1982), 480-84.

15 Blaise Diagne et al, "The Second Pan-African Congress," Documentary History, vol. 3, 335-36.

16 Moore, "DuBois," 180.

17 "To the World: Manifesto of the Second Pan-African Congress," Documentary History, vol. 3, 337-42; "The Pan-African Association Declared the 8 December 1921 Statutes," Documentary History, vol. 3, 342-47; "Demands Race Equality," New York Times, 30 August 1921, 2.

18 DuBois, "Pan-African Congresses," 480-84; "To the World," Documentary History, vol. 3, 335, 341-42.

19 DuBois, "Pan-African Congresses," 480-84; Ida Gibbs Hunt, Rayford Logan & W.E.B. DuBois, "Resolutions of the Third Pan-African Congress" (1924), Documentary History, vol. 3, 120-22.

20 Circle for Peace and Foreign Relations, "About the Fourth Pan-African Congress," Documentary History, vol. 3, 544-46; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 256-57; Dorothy Ann Washington, "Women's Contribution to the Pan-African Struggle Revisited," Era of Masses 1 (February 1997):; Clifford Miller, "Pan-African Congress in Session," New York Amsterdam News, 22 August 1927, 1; "Africa Dominant Note at Second [sic] Pan-African Meet," New York Amsterdam News, 23 August 1927; DuBois, "Pan-African Congresses," 480-84; "Press Service of the NAACP," Documentary History, vol. 3, 548-49; Moore, "DuBois and Pan-Africa," 167; W.E.B. DuBois, The World and Africa (New York: Viking, 1947; repr. Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus- Thomson Organization Ltd, 1976), 242-43. See: Christine Lutz, "The Dizzy Steep To Heaven": The Hunton Family, 1850-1970 (Atlanta: Ph.D., Georgia State University, 2001), 228-235.

21 Richard Moore, "Resolution on the Negro Question: Anti-Imperialist Congress" (1927), Documentary History, vol. 3, 539-543; Moore, "DuBois and Pan-Africa," 166; Ernest Allen, "American Negro Labor Congress," Encyclopedia of the American Left, 27-28; Geiss, Pan-African Movement, 331-37, 387; Gary Entz, "American Negro Labor Congress," Organizing Black America, ed. Nina Mjagkij (New York: Garland Publishing, 2001), 54-56.

22 Kelley, Race Rebels, 129-31; Harris, African-American Reactions, 47-48, 102; Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem During the Depression (New York: Grove Press, 1983), 138-40, 155-57, 195, 197-98; James Wrenn, "Abner Winston Berry," Encyclopedia of the American Left, 85-86.

23 Only thirty-five people actually were charged with crimes that day. The Chicago Defender, the city's African-American-owned newspaper, reported that Haywood had been so badly beaten that he would be paralyzed for life, but he was forced to use crutches for only one month. Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator Press, 1978), 448-57.

24 Gerald Horne, Black Liberation/Red Scare: Ben Davis and the Communist Party (Newark, N.J.: University of Delaware Press, 1994), 80; Naison, Communists in Harlem, 155, 196-97; Kelley, Race Rebels, 124, 129-31; Haywood, Black Bolshevik, 447-48, 496, 500-501, 668; F. Brown, "Not Another Moment Must Be Lost!" Party Organizer 7 (November 1935): 1-4; "25,000 at Tribute Hear War Assailed," New York Times, 12 November 1935.

25 Kelley, Race Rebels, 131; Harris, African-American Reactions, 131-33, 136-37, 139; Essien- Udom, Black Nationalism, 61, Richard Moore, "Africa Conscious Harlem" (1963), Black Brotherhood, 251-52.

26 Joseph Harris with Slimane Zeghidour, "Africa and its Diaspora Since 1935," UNESCO General History of Africa, vol. 8, ed. Ali Mazrui, 708-709; S.K.B. Asante, Pan-African Protest: West Africa and the Italo-Ethiopian Crisis, 1934-1941 (London: Longman, 1977), 1, 63, 153, 203-208; Penny Von Eschen, Race Against Empire, Race Against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937-1957 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997), 18-19.

27 In National Negro Congress Papers, Part 1, Reel 1, microfilm edition, see: Ralph Bunche and John P. Davis, form letter, March 1935; Julius Rosenwald Fund, press release, 28 June 1935.

28 James Ford, "The National Negro Congress" (1938), A. Phillip Randolph, "National Negro Congress, Keynote Address" (1936), and A. Phillip Randolph, "On the Need for Unity" (1937), A Documentary History of the Negro People in the United States, vol. 4, ed. Herbert Aptheker (New York: Citadel, 1974), 218-223, 265; Haywood, Black Bolshevik, 457-58.

29 Haywood, Black Bolshevik, 483; Horne, Black Liberation, 81.

30 W.E.B. DuBois, "A Chronicle of Race Relations" (1941-1944), and "Africa and World Freedom" (1942), The Complete Published Works of W.E.B. DuBois: Selections from Phylon (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson Organization Ltd., 1980), 12, 68, 108, 110, 123, 143-44, 159-61, 187-89, 235-36, 284-85, 296, 380.

31 Alphaeus Hunton et al, eds., Proceedings of the Conference on Africa - New Perspectives (New York: Council on African Affairs, 1944), 4-6, 9, 30, 32, 36-37; Hollis Lynch, Black American Radicals and the Liberation of Africa: The Council on African Affairs, 1937-1955 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Africana Studies and Research Center, Cornell University, 1978), 26-7; Robert L. Harris, Jr., "Racial Equality and the United Nations Charter," Race and U.S. Foreign Policy During the Cold War, ed. Michael Krenn (New York: Garland Publishing, 1998), 2-24; Geiss, Pan- African Movement, 367-68, 382; Marika Sherwood, Kwame Nkrumah: The Years Abroad, 1935-1947 (Legon, Ghana: Freedom Publications, 1996), 84-85 ; "Would Help Colonies," New York Times, 15 April 1944.

32 "Colonial Empires Assailed In Rally," New York Times, 7 June 1946.

33 Dorothy Hunton, Alphaeus Hunton: The Unsung Valiant (Richmond Hill, N.Y.: by the author, 1986), 77.

34 W.E.B. DuBois, "Ethiopia and Eritrea" (1949), The Complete Published Works of W.E.B. DuBois: Writings in Periodicals Edited by W.E.B. DuBois, vol. 4 (Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson Organization Ltd., 1982), 105-106.

35 DuBois, "Ethiopia and Eritrea," 105-106.

36 Lutz, Dizzy Steep, 303-320.

37 W. Alphaeus Hunton, Decision in Africa: Sources of Current Conflict (New York: International Publishers, 1957), 17-18, 21, 26, 91, 93-96, 202, 232-34.

38 DuBois, "Ethiopia and Eritrea," 105-106.

39 Dorothy Hunton, Unsung Valiant, 113, 131-40, 157-58.

40 Immanuel Wallerstein, "Pan-Africanism As Protest," The Revolution in World Politics, ed. Morton Kaplan (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1962), 146-48; Walter Goldfrank, "Immanuel Wallerstein," Encyclopedia of the American Left, 818-19; : Immanuel Wallerstein, Africa and the Modern World (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, 1986), 8-9, 48-49, 55; Patrick Manning, "African Studies," Encyclopedia of the American Left, 6.

41 Malcolm X, "At The Audobon" (1964), Malcolm X Speaks: Selected Speeches and Statements, ed. George Breitman (New York: Ballantine Books, 1965), 142-43, and in that volume, also see Malcolm X's speech "To Mississippi Youth," 150-59. On numbers of the New Left, see: Paul Buhle, "New Left," Encyclopedia of the American Left, 517. Government propaganda, legal pursuit and harassment, and subversive infiltration, as well as a failure to cohere beyond loose alliance, would devastate the left again by 1980.

42 Eldridge Cleaver, "Culture and Revolution: Their Synthesis in Africa," Black Scholar 3 (October 1971), 35. On the Horn's significance in American foreign policy decisions, see, for example: Wallerstein, Africa and the Modern World, 86-87.

43 Cleaver, "Culture," 86-87; David Horne, "The Pan-African Congress: A Positive Assessment," Black Scholar 5 (July-August 1974), 2-11.

44 Claybourne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 135.

45 Dona Richards and Bob Moses to "SNCC people," 10 October 1965, Reel 51, SNCC Papers, microfilm edition.

46 Carson, In Struggle, 276-77.

47 In Black Protest Thought: John Lewis, "A Trend Toward Aggressive Nonviolent Action" (1964), 357; James Farmer, "Develop Group Pride and Then 'Cultural Pluralism" (1968), 573. Also see: Jim Mellon, cited in Fire in the Streets: America in the 1960s, by Milton Viorst (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979), 477.

48 Press releases, 18 March 1965 and 24 March 1966, Reel 51, SNCC Papers, microfilm edition.

49 Aframerican News Service, Reel 17, SNCC Papers, microfilm edition.

50 Press release, 18 March 1965, SNCC Papers, Reel 51; Alan Adelson, SDS (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1972), 28-33; Ned Kehde, ed., The American Left, 1955-1970: A National Union Catalog of Pamphlets Published in the United States and Canada (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976), passim; Viorst, 477.

51 In The Movement, 1964-1970, ed. Claybourne Carson et al (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1993): "Somali Tribesmen Clash With French" (1967), 239; "Ethiopia Liberated" (1969), 748.

52 SNCC Papers, Reels 15 and 51, microfilm edition, passim (Houser's 1968 memo, frames 0241-0243, Reel 51). Also see: Sol Stern, "The Call of the Black Panthers" (1967), Black Protest in the Sixties, ed. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970), 239-40; Wallerstein, Africa and the Modern World, 87; Ron Karenga, "A Strategy For Struggle," Black Scholar 5 (November 1973), 14; Berry, Long Memory, 423.

53 James Garrett, "A Historical Sketch: The Sixth Pan-African Congress," Black World 26 (March 1975), 4-21; Berry, Long Memory, 423; David Horne, "Pan-African Congress," 2-11; Earl Ofari, "A Critical Review of the Pan-African Congress," Black Scholar 5 (July- August 1974), 12-15.

54 Serge Thion, "Africa: War and Revolution," Dissent 26 (Spring 1979), 213-225.

55 Edward Hawley, "Letters," Dissent 28 (Fall 1979), 496.

56 Tony Thomas, "Ethiopia: The Empire Trembles," International Socialist Review 35 (May 1974), 4-11.

57 Harold Rogers, "Imperialism In Africa," Black Scholar 3 (January 1972), 37-48.

58 Nathan Hare, "A Report on the Pan-African Cultural Festival," Black Scholar 1 (November 1969), 2-10.

59 "Tricontinental Notes," Black Scholar 5 (October 1973), 61.

60 Clarence Munford, "Africa and the Political Economy of Underdevelopment," Black Scholar 10 (September 1978), 22-30.

61 Shibabaw Yimenu, "Pan-Africanism and African Economic Development," Black Scholar 6 (May 19975), 32-40.

62 Araia Tseggai, "The Case For Eritrean National Independence," Black Scholar 7 (June 1976), 20-28.

63 An Observer, "Revolution In Ethiopia," Monthly Review 29 (July-August 1977), 46-60.

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